Assassination of Haitian President follows decades of destructive US policies

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Here at the shebeen, we have left aside the story of the assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moise because, frankly, we were waiting for a break in the strange. Every day there was another weird twist in what was a pretty weird story to begin with. But there seems to be a bit of a lull – I think Mad’s Eye might be skipping over the story – so the New York Times usefully catches up with us on what we know at this point. It looks like we have the modern equivalent of William Walker’s raids on Central America – hence we get the modern word “systematic obstruction” – combined with Operation Mangoose from the 1960s and a rejected script from the old one. Impossible mission TV show.

About two dozen people were arrested in the murder, and Haitian authorities have placed doctor Christian Emmanuel Sanon, 63, at the center of an investigation that has spanned from Haiti to Colombia and the United States. . The doctor’s brother, Joseph Sanon, said he had not been in contact with him for some time and had no idea what was going on. “I am desperate to find out what is going on,” he said. A former neighbor of the doctor in Florida, Steven Bross, 65, said: “He was always trying to find ways to make Haiti more self-sufficient, but by assassinating the president, by no means.

(It is here that I specify that The history of Haiti with the physician-presidents does not make it promising.)

Dr Sanon was willing to provide references.

The two men had a first meeting on June 1, Professor Plancher said. The first contact was followed a day or two later by a one-hour meeting with Dr. Sanon and a group of six to eight people. Both meetings took place in the same house in Port-au-Prince. There, he said, Dr Sanon set out his political ambitions. “He said he was sent by God. He was sent on a mission from God to replace Moses, ”said Professor Plancher. “He said the president would resign soon. He didn’t say why.

But, divinely blessed or not, it looks like Dr. Sanon’s purported coup, while successful in its immediately deadly intent, is still a bit vague on long-range planning.

Haiti’s national police chief Léon Charles accused Dr Sanon of playing a central role in the assassination and of wanting to become president, but offered no explanation as to how the doctor could have take control of the government. During a search of his home, Haitian authorities said, police found a cap of the DEA – the team of hitmen who assaulted Mr. Moïse’s home. appear to have falsely identified themselves as agents of the Drug Enforcement Administration – six holsters, approximately 20 boxes of bullets, 24 unused shooting targets and four Dominican Republic license plates.

The history of America in Haiti is marked by upheavals. It all started badly in 1915 when this prince of fools, President Woodrow Wilson, sent the Marines to “stabilize” the country. The occupation lasted 19 years and was marked by rigged elections by the United States government, which also attempted to impose a favorable constitution on the United States. You can imagine how well it turned out. While rudimentary national security concerns were raised for the Marines’ presence, American commercial interests also gained ground, just as they did throughout the Caribbean Basin. In the New Yorker, Edwidge Danticat quoted US General Smedley Butler about his period of service as an officer in this profession.

In what has become a famous mea culpa by one of the architects of the joint occupation of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, Marine Corps General Smedley Butler confessed, in a Common Sense newspaper article, to having passed thirty-three years as a “muscular high-class man for big business” and as “a gangster of capitalism”.

“I helped make Haiti … a decent place for the National City Bank Boys,” he wrote.

The Reagan administration, for example, got huge credit for pushing Jean-Claude Duvalier – and his estimated $ 400 million – out of Port-au-Prince and into a costly exile in France, thus ending the reign of decades of the Duvaliers, who systematically looted the country and relied on the extrajudicial violence of the dreaded Uncle macoutes. In a few years, as Michael Massing pointed out in the New York Book Review, everything had turned terribly sour.

In formulating its policy, the administration clearly had more than Haiti in mind. In Washington, Haiti, located just 80 kilometers southeast of Cuba, is part of a much larger struggle unfolding across the Caribbean Basin. “Haiti is one nation,” says Richard Holwill, Assistant Under Secretary of State and policy maker on Haiti. “If we give up the land there, we could underestimate ourselves in El Salvador, Nicaragua and Panama. We have to look at the country in a larger context. Holwill, who worked at the Heritage Foundation before joining the State Department, says that since Duvalier left, “there has been substantial Soviet support for the Communist Party in Haiti and an increase in Radio Havana broadcasts and Radio Moscow in Creole ”. The election, he said, “offers the Soviets a chance to embarrass the United States and create defeat for them.”

The administration’s tendency to view Haiti from a geopolitical perspective troubles even the most pro-American Haitians, for example Marc Bazin, a tall and warm man who hopes to become Haiti’s next president. Before Duvalier’s fall, Bazin spent many years working for the World Bank in Washington, and as a result, he is often referred to as the “American candidate”. When I visited Bazin at his headquarters in Port-au-Prince, I asked him to what extent he thought the United States was keeping the CNG in power. Given his close ties to Washington, I expected a vague response, but instead Bazin looked at me as if I was weak-minded and with a dismissive wave of his hand m ‘said’ one hundred percent ‘. He then summarized the essence of American policy towards Haiti: “The people of Washington are looking first for stability, then for democracy.

And that pretty much sums up US policy toward Haiti since, a case study of the number of ways the Monroe Doctrine can go horribly wrong. Meanwhile, Haitians have had neither stability nor democracy, and certainly not a stable democracy. And now we are back in the freeboot era: Colombian squads, allegedly working for an American doctor, are killing the president of Haiti. And no one knows what comes next. Welcome to 1915. But we have talkies now.

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